Women represent half of the global population yet occupy just 25% of national parliamentary seats. To ensure that women participate in politics is a fundamental step towards just, equitable, and democratic societies. Although women have made significant progress and contributions in education and political involvement, they continue to be underrepresented in leadership roles within politics and business worldwide. In response, many countries have implemented gender quotas in politics. This explainer offers an analysis of the role of gender quotas in increasing women’s political participation in the Western Balkans 6 (WB6) countries.[1]

Quotas are proactive strategies aiming to achieve a specific percentage of political representation for certain groups within a society. There are two primary models: (i) based on the level of the electoral process, and (ii) based on mandates. The first model is seen in reserved seats, encompassing a list of positional, election, and elected candidates. The second model is represented by legal quotas, typically integrated into a country's Constitution or specific laws, as well as voluntary quotas adopted by political parties. In this explainer, we will mainly focus on the second model of quotas, as this is the most prominent we find in the WB6 countries. Gender quotas are policies designed to advance gender-balanced participation and representation by specifying a certain percentage or number of seats to be allocated to women and/or men, usually governed by set rules or criteria.

Zooming into the WB6

Women's representation in the WB6 in almost all areas of life is continuously discussed among civil society organisations, media, international organisations and policymakers. In the WB6 region, women remain underrepresented in leadership roles, particularly at the local level. Women's rights are often limited to their numerical presence in decision-making positions, while critical issues such as gender-based discrimination, sexism, misogyny, and violence against women are largely overlooked. Gender quotas have been presented as a policy that could address such challenges, yet a substantive implementation is lagging behind.

Albania adopted gender quotas in 2008, following its commitment to the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which it joined in 1994. After initial efforts in 2004, Albania passed a law establishing a 30% gender quota for women in politics. The Electoral Code mandated that at least one in every three names on political party candidate lists be women. The Central Election Commission enforces compliance, with non-compliance resulting in the rejection of candidate lists. According to the 2023 “Women in Politics” global map developed by UN Women and Inter-Parliamentary Union, the country ranks 1st for the share of women cabinet ministers and 42nd for the percentage of women in Parliament. However, at the local level, UN Women in Albania reports that women are still quite underrepresented; only 8 out of 61 municipalities have elected women as mayors. 

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the gender quota is set in the Election Law, specifically in Article 4.19, which mandates that candidate lists must include both men and women candidates, ensuring at least 40% representation of each gender. If these quotas are not met, the Election Commission imposes legal sanctions, such as notifying applicants of incorrect information and requiring corrections within two days. Failure to comply can result in the rejection of a candidate list. Unfortunately, the percentage of women elected to the House of Representatives in the BiH Parliament dropped from 21% in 2018  to around 17% in 2022. Whereas, the percentage of women mayors in the 2024 local elections is even more marginalised, with only 2,8%. 

In Kosovo, the Law on General Elections guarantees a minimum of 30% of seats in the National Assembly and Municipal Assemblies for women. Legal sanctions are applied for non-compliance, including replacing male candidates with female candidates to meet the quota if needed. Additionally, the Law on Gender Equality (first passed in 2004 and amended in 2018) established a 40% quota for women in political and public life. However, the law has faced challenges in implementation due to a lack of enforcement mechanisms. Currently, only the gender quotas set by the Law on General Elections are effectively enforced because the Law on Gender Equality lacks reinforcing mechanisms to ensure its implementation. Nevertheless, the struggle for representation remains the highest at the local level; significantly fewer women hold leadership roles in municipalities. This is evident from the absence of women mayors. Women’s participation in local politics is crucial, as local governments are closest to the population and are often responsible for implementing decisions from the central government.

Montenegro was one of the last Western Balkan countries to adopt gender quotas. In 2011, it introduced a 30% gender quota in its Electoral Law, applying to both parliamentary and local elections. Montenegro enforces candidate gender quotas, which require political parties to include a certain percentage of candidates from the minority gender (usually women) on their electoral lists. However, it does not guarantee representation because no seats are explicitly reserved for women, which are specific seats in parliament or councils set aside exclusively for women, regardless of the election outcome. If the quota is not met, the Election Commission can reject the list. However, in Berane, two electoral lists were submitted and approved despite failing to meet this legal requirement, marking an unprecedented violation of the legal gender quota. Currently, women in Montenegro take only 28.4% of Parliament seats, and only 18.8% of the cabinet ministers are women. 

North Macedonia (NM) was the second country in the WB6 to implement gender quotas, introducing a 40% quota in the 2002 Electoral Code. The adoption of quotas in NM was influenced by the EU Stabilization Agreement and pressure from the activist groups. The Electoral Code mandates that at least 40% of candidates on parliamentary lists must be from the minority gender. Legal sanctions for non-compliance include (i) the rejection of candidate lists by the Electoral Commission and (ii) potentially excluding parties from elections. Political parties, such as the Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM) and the Alliance for Albanians, have also adopted voluntary gender quotas within their organisations, promoting gender equality in political decision-making roles. Moreover, women lack representation in executive roles, only 20% of the prime minister’s cabinet were women. An even more significant shortcoming became evident during the 2021 local elections where out of 299 mayoral candidates, only 8% were women, and ultimately, just 2 women were elected, representing a mere 2.5% of the total 79 mayors. 

Serbia introduced gender quotas in 2004, following advocacy by women activists and supportive politicians, particularly in the Vojvodina region. The push for quotas began in February 2000, when the Stability Pact Gender Task Force (GTF), a global initiative aimed at stabilizing post-conflict countries in the former Yugoslavia, initiated efforts to address gender inequality. This culminated in the "Palić Conference," where women advocated for greater political representation, referencing the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the requirements of future EU Stabilization and Association Agreements. Serbia established in 2004 the Law on Local Elections, which established a 30% gender quota, which was later amended in 2011 to require a 40% quota. Additionally, penalties for non-compliance were introduced, with political parties given 48 hours to correct deficiencies or face rejection of their candidate lists by the Electoral Commission. Currently, in Serbia, only 32.1%  of ministers and cabinet ministers are women, and UN Women reports that at the local level, women remain underrepresented, making up only 5 out of 29 city mayors and only 11% of municipal presidents.

Behind the “curtains” of quotas

In recent years, gender quotas have become a widely adopted policy to increase women’s political representation. Countries in the WB6 have implemented quotas to address longstanding gender imbalances in political institutions. While these measures have undoubtedly improved women’s numerical representation, significant challenges remain, particularly in achieving substantive representation. 

The means by which women enter politics can highly impact how they shape the political sphere, how they are viewed and to what extent political participation is ensured. In this case, quotas can also reinforce stereotypes. First, critics argue that quotas suggest women cannot achieve elected office based on merit alone, reinforcing stereotypes that women require special treatment or lack adequate political experience. Such perceptions can reinforce existing gendered divisions of labour in parliaments, where men are seen as handling "important" issues like foreign policy and the economy. At the same time, women are relegated to "soft" topics such as family, education, and health. For example, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, surveys show that over 30% of women—and nearly half of men—believe men are better suited for political leadership roles. This perception limits women’s opportunities to break gendered divisions in politics. Likewise, in Albania, political parties often fail to provide financial or institutional support to women candidates, particularly during campaigns. Women are often seen as “quota fillers” rather than legitimate political actors, a perception that further marginalises them from key decision-making processes. By confining women to roles that align with traditional gender norms, quotas risk perpetuating stereotypes rather than challenging them. This reinforces the idea that women’s presence in politics is conditional on “special treatment” rather than their qualifications or leadership skills.

As a result of this scepticism towards quotas, researchers advocate for a shift towards substantive representation, where women hold equal standing with men in political representation and decision-making. This type of representation can be realised by fostering a culture of participation, knowledge, and support mechanisms developed during the phase of descriptive representation. In Kosovo, despite the 30% quota, there remains a stark absence of women in leadership roles at the local level —particularly in leading positions, which are critical for shaping policies that impact citizens directly. Moreover, on the electoral lists of the four leading political entities in Kosovo for the upcoming elections in 2025, women were included only to meet the bare minimum legal requirement of 30%. This adherence to the legal threshold, rather than striving for true equality, highlighted an ongoing hesitation to tackle gender gaps in leadership. Similarly, in Serbia, while women occupy a significant proportion of parliamentary seats, gender-sensitive issues such as violence against women or economic inequality remain largely absent from political agendas. These examples highlight a recurring challenge: quotas can ensure women’s presence in politics but cannot alone ensure that they wield substantive power to address societal inequalities or advocate for feminist policies.

One of the most pressing challenges undermining the success of gender quotas in WB6 is the prevalence of violence against women in politics. Women politicians across the region face threats, harassment, and attacks that discourage them from entering or remaining in politics, particularly at the local level, where these risks are most acute. In Albania and Bosnia and Herzegovina, surveys reveal alarmingly high rates of violence against women politicians, ranging from online harassment to physical threats. In Montenegro, 70% of women surveyed reported that nothing would encourage them to engage in political life, citing violence and lack of safety as major deterrents.  This systemic violence not only undermines women’s right to participate in political processes but also exposes the limitations of quotas in ensuring meaningful gender equality. Systematic efforts are needed to eliminate this violence through legal protections, accountability, and safe reporting mechanisms, allowing women to engage in politics without fear or intimidation. The OSCE toolkit emphasises the need to tackle violence against women in politics through four key areas: prevention, protection, prosecution, and policy coordination, in accordance with the Istanbul Convention. Without such measures, violence will continue to undermine the effectiveness of quotas and discourage women from pursuing leadership roles.

While gender quotas have improved women’s representation in national parliaments, progress remains limited in high decision-making positions. True gender equality requires expanding women’s leadership across executive roles where policies are shaped and implemented.  The existing laws need to be clear, harmonised, and must have stronger enforcement mechanisms to ensure that they have a tangible impact in practice. In the case of Kosovo, legal frameworks must be reviewed and harmonised to ensure consistency and effective implementation, supporting long-term gains in women’s political representation. Conflicting laws—such as the Law on Elections and the Law on Gender Equality—undermine gender quotas and stall progress. Lastly, the media has also a key role in dismantling harmful stereotypes that question women’s competence in politics. Women politicians need more visibility, not for superficial coverage but for their achievements, ideas, and policies. By showcasing women tackling complex issues like economic reform or security, the media can challenge public misconceptions and foster trust in women leaders.

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1. WB6 refers to the geographical area that consists of the following countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia.

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